Quo Vadis- wie die Parabel von der Zunge zu deuten ist- von Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz

Quo Vadis-

wie die Parabel von der Zunge zu deuten ist

Die Bibel gibt uns Weisheit und Erkenntnis
für viele alltägliche Szenarien.

In folgendem Video erläutert Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz, Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz , wie diese praktische Anwendung finden.

Für weitere Infos bitte unsere Seite besuchen

Prinzipien der Fundamentaltheologie- angewandte Bausteine- by Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz, ROSARY Ministries International

Joseph Kardinal Ratzinger:

Theologische Prinzipienlehre

Bausteine zur Fundamentaltheologie

Prinzipien der Fundamentaltheologie- angewandte Bausteine

Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz, ROSARY Ministries International

In folgendem Video setzt sich Uwe Rosenkranz mit den grundlegenden
Prinzipien der Theologie auseinander.
Besonderes Augenmerk liegt dabei auf den
Heiligen Sakramenten und ihrer Bedeutung
für die Mission und praktische Theologie
(Soteriologie).



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Ethical socionomics

Call to Action: #IsraelUnderFire- by ROSARY NEWS, Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz

 Please share. The world has to understand what we have known all along – BDS is Hamas and Hamas is BDS.

IsraelUnderFireLive

Yesterday, a short Tweet emerged from the official Hamas movement account: "We salute and support the influential BDS movement".
Eight words which have huge repercussions. Hamas is a designated terrorist organization while BDS continues to claim that it is a peaceful activist movement and as such, they should be worlds apart.
Over the past few years, the ties between the BDS movement and its offshoots such as the SJP and between terrorist organizations such as Hamas, the PFLP and Hezbollah kept on showing up sporadically: a link with a terror group here, a glorification of terror there but no concrete link.
This eight-word tweet changes it all – Hama's endorsement of the BDS movement makes it clear: BDS is Hamas and Hamas is BDS.

THE OLD RELIGION in a NEW WORLD , part 1-delivered by Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz

  THE OLD RELIGION
  in a
  NEW WORLD


  The History of North American Christianity









  Mark A. Noll



















  William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company

  Grand Rapids, Michigan / Cambridge, U.K.









© 2002 Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.
All rights reserved

Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.
2140 Oak Industrial Drive N.E., Grand Rapids, Michigan 49505 /
P.O. Box 163, Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K.


Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Noll, Mark A., 1946–
  The old religion in a new world: the history of North American Christianity /
      Mark A. Noll.
    p. cm.
  Includes bibliographical references and index.
  ISBN 978-0-8028-4948-9 (pbk.: alk. paper)
1. United States—Church history. 2. Canada—Church history. I. Title.

BR515.N744 2002

277—dc21
2001040537

www.eerdmans.com









To Skip Stout









CONTENTS


    Preface

          1.      From Europe to America
          2.      Colonization, 1492–1730
          3.      The Churches Become American, 1730–1830
          4.      The Separation of Church and State
          5.      The High Tide of Protestantism, 1830–1865
          6.      A New Christian Pluralism, 1865–1906
          7.      Divisions, Renewal, Fragmentation, Acculturation, 1906–1960
          8.      The Recent Past, 1960–2000
          9.      Theology
          10.      In the Shadow of the United States—Canada and Mexico
          11.      The Fate of European Traditions—Lutherans and Roman Catholics
          12.      Day-to-Day Christian Spirituality and the Bible

    Afterword

      Appendix A: The Largest Denominations (as of 2000) in the United States and Canada

    Appendix B: Regional Variations in the United States and Canada

    Chronology

    Bibliography

    Index

PREFACE


This book offers an introduction to the history of Christianity in North America. It attempts especially to explain what was new about the outworking of organized Christian religion on this continent by comparison with the European origins of that religion. To that end, the book has two main objectives. The first is to provide a broad outline of major events, developments, and occurrences in the history of the Christian churches, either transported from Europe or springing up indigenously, that have filled North America with such remarkable vitality and diversity. The second is to highlight some of the most important interpretive issues in the transfer of the hereditary religion of Europe to the “New World” and its development in that new environment. By contrast with longer accounts, the discussions in this book are intentionally succinct, suggestive, and selective. With its notes for further study, a bibliography, a chronology, and factual material on denominations and the strength of Christian adherence in different American regions, this work is intended to open doors to advanced study. But the primary intention throughout is to meet the needs of curious students and lay readers interested in a broad interpretive overview of the subject.
A word is appropriate at the outset as to how this book differs from my longer textbook, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Eerdmans, 1992). A few years ago, a German publisher, the Evangelische Verlagsanstalt of Leipzig, asked me to prepare the volume on North America for its series “Church History in Individual Studies.” That book, which I wrote in English, has now been translated and published as Das Christentum in Nord Amerika. About half of this new book represented an abridgment and updating of material from my earlier Eerdmans book; about half grew from new research, such as the selective use of opinions and observations by Europeans on Christian life in North America. (The translations in this book of such comments from German and French sources are my own.) In the course of working on the German book, it gradually dawned on me that an effort to introduce Europeans to the history of North American Christianity might also be useful for Americans. The Old Religion in a New World is, thus, a further revision and updating of the manuscript originally prepared for publication in Germany. It is a substantially new book with much new material and an entirely new apparatus, along with some pages abridged from the earlier Eerdmans volume.
The burden of The Old Religion in a New World is to highlight aspects of North American Christianity that set it apart from patterns of religious experience and organization more common in historic European Christendom. Thus, for example, the separation of church and state that has prevailed in the United States since the late eighteenth century receives considerable attention. Similarly, the book discusses at several points a phenomenon that contrasts sharply with general European patterns: in the United States there has existed a striking harmony between the churches and forces of progress, democracy, and pragmatism; the New World did not support the characteristic European bond between established churches and conservative social orders. The place of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States is another matter treated as a contrast to the European situation, since it was a parvenu, disadvantaged culturally and sometimes legally because of its late arrival. (In the United States and in Canada outside Quebec, the only churches that ever came close to a position of cultural establishment were Protestant.) To highlight the perspective of the whole, the book begins with a chapter on what it meant for Christianity to spread from Europe to the New World. The eleven chapters making up the rest of the book are divided between some offering a sketch of developments in a specific historical period and others attempting a more general interpretation of a major theme or circumstance in American Christian history. The afterword returns for an assessment of the new forms of American Christianity that sprang from Europe’s old religion.
The chronological chapters divide new-world history into the following eras: the period of colonization; the era of nation formation, which was also the era during which distinctly American forms of Christian practice emerged; the middle decades of the nineteenth century, when Protestantism reached the peak of its influence; the period from the end of the Civil War to the beginning of the pentecostal movement in 1906, when the United States experienced a surge in the diversity of its Christian communions; the period from 1906 to 1960, when battles between Protestant fundamentalists and modernists, two world wars, the cold war, and the beginnings of the civil rights movement altered considerably the North American churches; and the years since 1960 to the present, which have witnessed a shifting balance of power among the churches, several new movements of spiritual renewal, and increasing antagonism with some secular elements in the broader culture. The five thematic chapters interspersed in this chronological sequence treat the American separation of church and state; the practice of theology and intellectual life within the North American churches; the instructive contrasts provided by Canada and Mexico to developments in the United States; the fate of ethnic and confessional communities in American Christian experience; and the practices of quotidian Christian life by ordinary believers. The book closes with a list and classification of the Christian denominations in North America with at least 100,000 adherents, a schematic overview of Christian strength in the regions of the United States and Canada, a chronology, and a bibliography.
An ideal treatment of “Christianity in North America” would be constantly alert to the ways in which Canadian and Mexican experience parallels or contrasts with experience in the United States. Unfortunately, academic comparisons for religion in the United States and Mexico are quite rare. While a few efforts to consider the Christian history of the United States and Canada as a single unit do exist, even that kind of work is still in its infancy. As a result, this book concerns primarily the United States, with two exceptions: the first three chapters treat the history of Canada and the United States as a unit, with a few brief remarks on Mexico as well, and the tenth chapter features a comparison of the Christian history of the three nations, with special attention to issues of church and state. In an effort to avoid unthinking, but common, linguistic imperialism, in this book “North America” and “North American” are used to refer to both Canada and the United States; “American,” on the other hand, will be used as an adjective referring specifically to the United States.
Books of synthesis like this one depend very heavily on the community of researchers who have worked so diligently and with so much creativity to record and interpret the history of Christianity in North America. I am especially indebted for ongoing instruction, encouragement, and friendship to the scholars who cooperate in the programs of two sub-groups of that community: the Cushwa Center for the Study of American Catholicism at the University of Notre Dame and the Institute for the Study of American Evangelicals at Wheaton College. To Rachel Maxson, a diligent young researcher, I am especially grateful for assistance on the treatment of Mexico. The same degree of thanks is owed to another talented assistant, Jeff Gustafson, who helped prepare the book for publication. Finally, it offers me great pleasure to dedicate the book to a long-time mentor and teacher who is also a long-time friend.









CHAPTER ONE

From Europe to America


The movement of Christianity from Europe to North America was an immensely complex migration, extending over centuries and filled with tragic disillusionment as well as unanticipated successes. It amounted to one of the most important transformations in the entire history of Christianity. In the year 2000 the worldwide affiliated Christian population amounted to approximately two billion people. Of that number, over 15 percent, or more than 300 million, were found in Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Five hundred years earlier, of course, there had been virtually no Christians in North America.
The place of the United States as the world’s only remaining superpower magnifies the importance of the Christian history of North America. The spread of American influence around the world has meant that American versions of the nature, purpose, and content of the Christian faith have also spread widely. At the end of the twentieth century the churches of the United States were sponsoring approximately 70,000 overseas missionaries, with another 8,400 from Canada and 2,400 from Mexico. As just one concrete example of America’s reach overseas, the American evangelistic organization Campus Crusade for Christ in 1979 produced a motion picture on the life of Christ, based on the Gospel of Luke. As of early 2001, copies of that film had been distributed in 638 separate languages, it was being shown actively in more than a hundred countries, and it had been viewed by over four billion people. Therefore, to inquire about what happened to Christianity in its transplantation from Europe to North America is to raise not only an important historical question but also one with considerable bearing on the worldwide fate of Christianity at the start of the twenty-first century.
For a historical approach to the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America, it is instructive to begin with specific cases. Some of these cases present simple stories. Others are more complicated, and complicated in different ways. Together, these narratives underscore the complexities confronting any effort to account for Christianity as it traveled across the Atlantic Ocean to a New World.


The Transportation of Christianity as a Simple Narrative

On June 4, 1893, parishioners who attended the 7:00 a.m. mass at St. Wenceslaus Church in Spillville, Iowa, deep in the American Midwest, heard something remarkable. On the organ a visitor was playing the beloved Czech hymn, “Boze pred tvou velebnosti—O God before Thy Majesty,” and the congregation, unaccustomed to music at the daily mass, was being asked to sing along. The organist was Antonín Dvorák, who only the day before had arrived in Spillville for a vacation from his work as musical director of the National Conservatory in New York. He had come to this tiny Midwestern community on the Turkey River in northeast Iowa because of its reputation as a well-maintained enclave of Czech immigrant culture. In New York, as in Europe, Dvorák practiced his Catholicism faithfully, but he was not in the habit of playing the organ for services as he did throughout the summer of 1893 in Spillville. For Antonín Dvorák, the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant no change in the material content of his faith, but deeper emotional satisfaction in its practice.
A similar sense of continuity between European Christianity and North American Christianity, but with much broader effects, is illustrated by events that occurred in the city of Montreal during the early 1840s. Montreal was then (as it is now) a center of French-Catholic civilization in Quebec. Each night from 13 December 1840 through 21 January 1841, Mgr. Charles de Forbin-Janson held a well-attended preaching mission in the new diocese of Montreal. Forbin-Janson, a native of France who had arrived in North America only in 1839, was co-founder of the Missionaires de France (later known as the Fathers of Mercy). Early in his clerical career, at the request of Pope Pius VII, he had devoted himself to public preaching and heightened concentration on the sacraments as means of winning his countrymen back to the church after the disengagements of the French Revolution. Now he was using these same techniques in the New World. Forbin-Janson’s preaching had been effective in the United States, but not nearly as successful as it was in Lower Canada, where he enjoyed the dedicated assistance of Mgr Ignace Bourget, soon to be Montreal’s second bishop. Shortly after Forbin-Janson’s mission ended, Bourget embarked for France, where he recruited a host of Europeans to aid the work of his diocese: Oblates of Mary Immaculate, Jesuits, Sisters of the Sacred Heart, nuns of the Good Shepherd from Angers, clerics of St. Viator, and Fathers, Brothers, and Sisters of the Holy Cross. Historian Louis Rousseau credits a combination of local conditions, the Forbin-Janson mission of 1839–1840, and Bourget’s dedicated leadership for a revival of ultramontane Catholicism in Quebec. For Forbin-Janson and Bourget, the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant an opportunity to create in Quebec one of the most conservative, and one of the most durable, organic Christian societies found anywhere in the world.
Another Catholic voice can be enlisted, this time with more complexity, to suggest the same sort of continuity. In 1925, Gerald Shaughnessy published his landmark study of Catholicism in the United States, Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? In this generally optimistic account Shaughnessy nonetheless reported that, especially among Italians, there was at least some leakage of immigrants to non-Catholic churches, where, as he reported, Protestants occasionally employed “statues, altars, candles and other similar appurtenances … to entrap the unwary and the ignorant” by fooling them into thinking they were attending Catholic churches. Yet despite losses from such underhanded practices, Shaughnessy was able to report that, even among Italian-American immigrants, the rate of Catholic retention was much higher than he and a host of other interpreters had thought possible. For Shaughnessy, the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant new opportunities for frauds to imitate the one true faith, but also an unprecedented flourishing of the Catholic church, a flourishing that Shaughnessy could only consider “a living, vital, irrefragable, concrete proof of the power and the grace of God.”
Many of the Protestants who came to North America felt just as strongly that the movement of Christianity from Europe was a straightforward affair, but one with exactly opposite connotations. Alexander Campbell was born near Ballymena, Country Antrim, Ireland, in 1788, the son of a Seceding Presbyterian minister. After study in Scotland, he came in 1809 to the United States. Immediately upon his arrival in the New World, Campbell abandoned the Presbyterianism in which he had been trained because he found its theology, its polity, and its sacramental restrictions far too confining in the openness of the new American republic. Throughout the long career that followed, Campbell became one of the leaders of the “restorationist” movement that was defined by efforts to promote a Christianity shorn of Old-World excrescences and pared back to the essentials of a simple New Testament faith. For these restorationist purposes, Campbell could not imagine a better place than the United States of America. In one of many such statements about his new country, Campbell proclaimed in an 1830 address that the declaration of American independence on July 4, 1776, was “a day to be remembered as was the Jewish Passover.… The American Revolution is … the precursor of a revolution infinitely more important to mankind[,] … the emancipation of the human mind from the shambles of superstition, and the introduction of human beings into the full fruition of the reign of heaven.” For Campbell, the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant an opportunity to strip away the corruptions of Europe, to join Christian faith with liberating aspects of American experience, and so to approach the millennium of Christ’s reign on earth.


The Transmission of Christianity as a Complex Narrative

By no means were all migrations of Christian faith to North America such straightforward affairs. Many were far more complex, with a complexity as instructive as the simplicity of the previous examples.
Isaac Buchanan was a Lowland Scot who came to Upper Canada (now Ontario) in the 1830s to pursue his economic betterment. Through a long and active Canadian business career, he nonetheless remained an earnest practitioner of the evangelical Presbyterianism of his youth. Along with many Scots of his day, age, social location, and religion, he looked upon Canada as an extension of Scotland and so easily transferred religious expectations from the Old World to the new. One of the pieces of ecclesiastical baggage that Buchanan brought with him from Scotland to Upper Canada was the conviction that church-state establishments were not only permissible, but essential for the well-being of religion and society. This conviction he maintained in the New World even after the Canadian Presbyterian church imitated a schism in Scotland between Free and established Presbyterians in 1843 and split itself in two. It was not until Buchanan, on trips back to the old country, heard arguments from members of the Scottish Free Kirk attacking church-state establishment, and not until he also applied to ecclesiastical life the arguments he absorbed in Britain about the virtues of free trade, that Buchanan changed his opinion on ecclesiastical establishments. To quote a fine doctoral thesis on Buchanan: “It was in Britain that he first spoke out against church establishment and argued for the complete financial separation of church and state. Only later did he suggest that the granting of financial assistance to religion was as incorrect in the Canadas as it was in the homeland.” For Buchanan and the issue of church-state relationships, the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant that instruction would come from the Old World concerning how to act in the new.
Complex connections between the Old and New Worlds can be observed in other ways as well. The swarming of Scandinavian immigrants to the United States after the mid-nineteenth century resulted in a mass of complicated religious choices. The story of Lars Paul Esbjörn (1808–1870) is one of the most complicated. In Sweden, Esbjörn’s ardent advocacy of trans-denominational pietism—complete with active revivalism, temperance societies, Sunday Schools, attacks on slavery, and a willingness to adjust the Augsburg Confession—prevented his rise in the state Lutheran Church. This background of discontent with religion in Sweden led him to migrate to the United States in 1849. In his new land he first came under the influence of a sectarian pietist, Olof Gustav Hedström, and he almost joined Hedström’s Swedish Methodist church. Later he sought support for his labors from yet another denomination, the American Home Missionary Society of the Congregationalists. Soon, however, Esbjörn began to be worried about the excesses of religious freedom in his new land, and so he organized a Lutheran church in Andover, Illinois. Later he came out strongly for the defenders of strict confessional Lutheranism who took their stand on an unaltered Augsburg Confession. Fourteen years after Esbjörn came to America, he returned to Sweden, where he accepted a position in the established Lutheran Church, the very church he once had abandoned as hopelessly corrupt. For Esbjörn the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant at first unprecedented opportunity to advance an activist pietism, then growing concern about the excesses of American liberty, and finally a return to traditional European institutions.
Still other voices testified to a different kind of complexity in the westward movement of Christianity. In 1865, Philip Schaff, the Swiss-born emigré church historian, returned to Europe from the United States to lecture before Protestant audiences on the meaning of the American Civil War. In the course of these speeches, he could barely contain his enthusiasm for the progress of Christianity in his adopted land, especially for “its careful observance of the Sabbath,” which to Schaff was one of the most powerful proofs “of the God-fearing and Christian character of the American nation.” Schaff wanted his hearers to know that the American who honored Sunday, which stilled even the “otherwise so busy commercial life” of the United States, was “no judaic sabbatarian and slavish legalist.” Rather, this was someone who voluntarily chose to honor the day in the freedom “of the Gospel and of the Spirit.” Sadly, Schaff also felt compelled to tell his European audiences that the peace and sanctity of the American Christian sabbath was now “being threatened, above all in New York City, by the huge mass of immigration pouring in from all countries of the Continent.” By mentioning specifically that New York’s population of about one million included 220,000 Irish and 150,000 Germans, and by singling out the sabbath-despisers’ “smoke-filled taverns and pleasure palaces” as the scenes of greatest sabbath desecration, Schaff left little doubt as to where he thought the most serious threat was arising to a gloriously Christian social practice. For Schaff the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant an opportunity for the faith to flourish as it was flourishing nowhere else in the world, but also a lesson in how a lack of discipline brought from the Old World could undermine piety in the new.
Shortly after Schaff made these comments, an entirely different view was expressed on the fate of Christianity in the United States. Orestes Brownson, after earlier careers as humanist, reformer, Unitarian, and Transcendentalist, had entered the Catholic church in 1844. During the American Civil War (1861–65), he championed the North as promoting both civilization and true religion. Yet afterwards he came to doubt the compatibility between American civilization and the principles of his adopted church. Brownson’s disillusionment grew so great that in 1870 he could write: “I defend the republican form of government for our country, because it is the legal and only practicable form, but I no longer hope anything from it. Catholicity is theoretically compatible with democracy …, but practically, there is, in my judgment, no compatibility between them. According to Catholicity all power comes from above and descends from high to low; according to democracy all power is infernal, is from below, and ascends from low to high. This is democracy in its practical sense, as politicians & the people do & will understand it. Catholicity & it are as mutually antagonistic as the spirit & the flesh, the Church and the World, Christ & Satan.” For Brownson the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America created a challenge to preserve the one true faith in an environment alien to that faith.
Finally, the transplanting of Christianity in North America could bring a welter of unexpected burdens as well as opportunities. In the spring of 1913, Johannes Groen was the minister of the largest Christian Reformed Church in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The Christian Reformed Church, a Dutch immigrant denomination, was headquartered in Grand Rapids near the eastern shore of Lake Michigan. Shortly before the state of Michigan held a referendum on the question of giving women the right to vote, Groen made a speech supporting suffrage for women. In so doing, he enlisted the standard intellectual repertoire of his Dutch Calvinist heritage. That repertoire included Scripture diligently perused, reason carefully applied to worldly affairs, and full deployment of the organic Calvinism of the Netherlands’ Abraham Kuyper, who had paid a triumphant visit to Grand Rapids only fifteen years before. The difficulty for Groen was that the overwhelming majority of his fellow leaders in the Christian Reformed Church were using precisely the same intellectual resources to oppose women’s suffrage. For his pains in taking this stand, Groen’s lecture was subjected to detailed refutation by his denomination’s leading theologian, he was attacked in the local newspaper through a letter signed by all but three of his fellow Christian Reformed ministers in Grand Rapids, and he was forced to defend himself in the local ministerial association. As a last indignity, Groen, while walking along Grand Rapids’s Eastern Avenue, encountered an irate parishioner who pulled a gun and shot him. The minister survived, but he had been given a message. For Groen the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America meant freedom to follow a traditional expression of Christianity wherever its adherents thought it took them, but also that the same freedom could be used strenuously, even violently, to challenge such a decision.
To query Antonín Dvorák, Charles de Forbin-Janson and Ignace Bourget, Gerald Shaughnessy, Alexander Campbell, Isaac Buchanan, Lars Paul Esbjörn, Philip Schaff, Orestes Brownson, and Johannes Groen about the transplantation of Christianity from Europe to North America is to receive a great variety of responses. Even more, it is to realize that the question is thronged on every side by conceptual conundrums. There is a problem of discriminating between the influences of immigration per se and immigration to North America. There is a problem of comparing how the transportation of Christianity from Europe to America contrasts with the transportation of Christianity from rural to urban areas, for this other movement of peoples was intertwined with the westward, international movement at every stage. There is a problem in noting the religious factor in the decision of some like Lars Paul Esbjörn to return to Europe. Among many other conceptual difficulties, there is also a problem in discerning how much the new arrivals from Europe were themselves responsible for the shape of the supposedly “North American” Christianity that was developing on this continent.


Explanations

Historians have made considerable headway in providing answers to such questions, particularly as they summarize the many different ways in which the old faith was adjusted to its new environment. Of such summaries, the most notable remains the account by Sydney E. Ahlstrom in his magisterial Religious History of the American People (1972). Ahlstrom detailed what he called five “types of accommodation to the American religious situation.” In ascending order of ecclesiastical precisionism, Ahlstrom described, first, nominal members of European state churches who, though perhaps joining lodges and other fraternal orders in the New World, used immigration as an occasion to abandon formal religion. Second were sectarians, illustrated by the various migrations of Mennonites, who found in the New World opportunities denied in the old to pursue long-held visions of ecclesiastical purity. Third were what Ahlstrom called “incipient sectarians” who pursued pietistic, perfectionistic, or reformist goals within the European state church, but when they came to America joined denominations of evangelical Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, or Congregationalists. Fourth were members of European state churches who, upon arrival in America, founded parallel denominations to those with which they had been pleased at home, like the American Episcopal Church or the German and Dutch Reformed Churches. Fifth were those who created new ecclesiastical bodies in the New World (like the Christian Reformed Church and several Lutheran denominations), but who did so in order simply to replicate churches they had left in the old. Because he was concentrating on Protestants, Ahlstrom did not add a necessary sixth category, which could be called North American “branch churches.” Of these, the Roman Catholic Church and the various churches of the Eastern Orthodox diaspora were the preeminent examples.
Other historians have, of course, seen the picture in other terms. What is common in their depictions, however, is the conclusion that some things changed while others remained the same when the Christian faith took root in the New World. Continuities and discontinuities differed substantially depending on when migrations took place, where they ended up, and what material conditions shaped them. Varied as the different movements of the old religion to North America were, they shared in common the need to adjust to a substantially new environment for religious practice.


An American Religious Environment

The question of how the North American environment shaped the Christianity that came to the New World may be restated in the following way: With the worldwide history of Christianity as a standard, what is different about North American Christianity because of North America? Because the religious history of Mexico is so distinct from that of both the United States and Canada, efforts to answer this question will focus on the United States, with Canada as the main complement. At least four aspects of the American religious environment have been especially important: space, race and ethnicity, pluralism, and the absence of confessional conservatism.


Space

Sheer spaciousness should be the first thing that religious historians note about North America, although in an age where the internet and the airplane have conquered space the significance of geography is often neglected. Yet the most obvious reason why the history of Christianity in Canada and the United States differs from the history of Christianity in Europe is that North America is so much bigger than Europe. The huge expanse of North America gave churches the kind of breathing room that simply had not existed before. This breathing room allowed Christian groups that had felt confined in Europe a chance to develop their own religious visions out of their own internal resources. It allowed European religious antagonists to drift apart. It also gave creative souls every possible opportunity to propose new versions of Christianity. Anglicans who hoped to establish their church in North America found, for example, that parishes in Virginia were sometimes larger than dioceses in England.
By the end of the eighteenth century, every Protestant denomination that had been transplanted in any significant way to North America found itself spread over more territory than its parent denomination covered in Europe. The scale of North America is further suggested by the fact that the distance between London and Moscow—with all the thickly packed church history encountered between these two cities—is less than the distance between Montreal and Denver, or Montreal and Houston—distances that traverse a much thinner ecclesiastical history. In yet another way of highlighting differences of geographical scale, the physical space bounded by Rome, Geneva, and Wittenberg—the centers for Catholicism, Reformed Protestantism, and Lutheranism—would fit easily into Arizona or five other American states, and it would be swallowed up in the land area of seven individual Canadian provinces.
The importance of these distances for church history is reinforced by expert recent commentary on European religious strife. The Irish historian David Hempton, for example, has shown how Protestant-Catholic antagonism in Northern Ireland grew directly in proportion to the propinquity of the two religious communities, a propinquity which contributed, in Hempton’s phrase, “to an increase in religious competition and sectarian stereotyping.” To be sure, the sort of sectarian religious antagonism Hempton charts for Belfast has not been a stranger to North America. Just as the activities of the Orange Order, the strongly loyalist Protestant fraternal organization, have often occasioned rioting in Northern Ireland, so the Orange Orders founded by immigrants from Northern Ireland in North America have also precipitated public disorder. In the New World, however, Orange-connected Protestant-Catholic violence was scattered in places like Conception Bay, Newfoundland; Winnipeg, Manitoba; and New York City. Its ferocity was eventually defused, however, at least in part because of the great spaces separating those who cared about such things.18 To put this particular problem in concrete terms, it is helpful to remember that the heavily Protestant County Down in Northern Ireland is less than fifty miles from the heavily Catholic County Londonderry. Using the 1990 church census of the Glenmary Research Center in Atlanta to define a contrast, Rhode Island was the state with the highest percentage of Catholics in the United States, and Mississippi was the state with the highest proportion of Southern Baptists (the largest Protestant denomination in America and one historically suspicious of Catholics). Rhode Island and Mississippi are roughly twelve hundred miles apart.


Race and Ethnicity

A children’s song popular in many American churches after World War II emphasizes the ideal of God’s love reaching out to every race:

    Jesus loves the little children,
    all the children of the world;
    red and yellow, black and white,
    they are precious in his sight;
    Jesus loves the little children of the world.

This song has been popular because it expresses a profound truth of the Bible, but in America it takes on a special meaning for historical reasons.
Of special importance for American Christian history is the fact that from the beginning, settlement by Africans took place alongside settlement by Europeans. Even if the latter were the enslaved victims of kidnapping, the intermingled black-and-white character of society is a permanent part of the American experience. At almost the same time, North America witnessed a mingling of the various British nations—English, Scottish, Irish, and Welsh. In the region that became Canada, French and English settlement coexisted from the early eighteenth century. During the great era of European migration to North America that began in the 1830s, Northern Europeans of all kinds streamed across the Atlantic, soon to be followed by great numbers of Eastern and Southern Europeans as well. Before the start of the twentieth century immigrants from Asia were added to the North American mix, and by the middle decades of the twentieth century a great influx from the Hispanic world (Cuba, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Central and South America) was added as well. The religious effect of these migrations was to populate North America with a far greater range of ethnicities, and of ethnic churches, than has ever existed in any one nation of Europe, Asia, or Latin America.
Historians of American Roman Catholicism commonly stress the way in which ethnic trajectories intersect the story of their church. By so doing, they show how the histories of English Catholics, French Catholics, Irish Catholics, German Catholics, Italian Catholics, Polish Catholics, Hispanic Catholics, and African American Catholics—to mention only the largest groups—have been distinct from each other, but also influenced by common American circumstances.
Although it is not usually emphasized as much, ethnicity has meant almost as much for Protestant history as for Catholic history. Many of the nation’s earliest Protestant churches were as distinctly English as they were Anglican, and the churches founded by non-English Britons could be just as distinctly ethnic. Scottish and Scots-Irish immigrants exercised a kind of ownership over Presbyterian churches for much of their history, and in some areas of the country Welsh communities were as fiercely loyal to their Baptist, Presbyterian, or Methodist churches as to the memory of Wales. Later, Lutheranism in America meant almost exclusively German or Scandinavian Lutheran. Today, Korean Presbyterians, Hispanic Pentecostals, or members of Vietnamese Christian and Missionary Alliance churches often practice a form of Protestant faith singularly influenced by ethnic background. It has always been so.
The most important ethnic contribution to the history of Christianity in North America, however, has been African American. It is a fact that race as well as ethnicity has figured more centrally in American church history than in Europe. The effect on the churches began with the importation of African slaves in the seventeenth century and continues to this day. Russell R. Menard, a historian of the American colonies, has written that the United States created a different kind of pluralistic society at least in part because “race rather than Old World origins proved the primary determinant of ethnic identity.”
Most slaveowners were really not eager to have their slaves hear the Christian message, and many of the slaveowners who did allow Christianity to reach the slaves did so only because they thought it would make slaves better at their tasks. Yet many slaves nonetheless succeeded in learning something about Christianity and went on to form churches for themselves—a crucial contribution to American religious history. African American denominations emerged from humble Northern beginnings around 1800 and received a major boost from emancipated slaves after the Civil War. Notable Christian leaders among African Africans, such as Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, theologian-bishops Daniel Payne and Henry McNeal Turner of the nineteenth-century African Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Baptist Martin Luther King, Jr. have contributed significantly to the general history of American Christianity. But the most notable development for the African Americans was the ability of countless slaves, freed slaves, and those threatened by slavery to find dignity, purpose, and resolve in a religion passed on so grudgingly by the slaveowners.
The persistence of legal, cultural, social, and religious divisions between ethnic groups is as much a part of European history as North American history. But the fact that black-white division has been pervasive, deep, and enduring in North America sets American church history apart. Recent surveys show that substantial systematic differences continue to exist between the beliefs and practices of African American Christians and Caucasian Christians. Political differences are most notable, since for several decades African-American Protestants have voted overwhelmingly for the Democratic Party while white Protestants have voted substantially for the Republican Party. In the American presidential election of 2000 the pattern continued, with great support among white churchgoers for Republican George W. Bush and even greater support for Democrat Al Gore from African Americans. The table on page 18 highlights some of the ongoing effects of black-white racial division. It shows great religious similarities between evangelical white Protestants and African Americans, but also considerable social and political differences. The American situation bears some resemblance to the white-black religious situation in South Africa.26 But American forms of racial division within the same forms of Christianity have no direct counterpart in Europe.


Noll, M. A. (2002). The Old Religion in a New World: The History of North American Christianity (S. iii–17). Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.

It´s on energy and climate; G20 leaders' statement on climate change highlights rift with US- ROSARY News by Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz

g20-climate-change-leaders-statement-paris-agreement

By the way at G19 ++ summit: ...IWF Lagard said: Germany is exporting too much. German workers shall
get pension at late retirement aged 69, so that no one saves money- this shall increase the private consume. - - Strange ecosocionomic philosophy......

Pls have a look on our ROSARY page to find out, which solutions we deliver:

Christianity in the NewWorld- chronology of faith- by Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz, MA, DD.

Christianity in the NewWorld- 

chronology of faith-

 by Archbishop Dr. Uwe AE.Rosenkranz, MA, DD.

source: Noll, M. A. (2002). The Old Religion in a New World: The History of North American Christianity (S. 292–299). Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.

We often talk in phrases of modern theology, especially, when american related christendom is mentioned.

But we sometime forget the "Old Religion" or think these are two contradictionary systems.

In fact, Europe has a 2 Millenium old christianity and culture. US american culture and spirituality has it´s roots in european christianity.

Pls have a look on the chronology:

CHRONOLOGY


         1492      Columbus journeys to the New World with a hope that his voyage would discover “how [the Native Americans’] conversion to our Holy Faith might be undertaken.”
         1493      Pope Alexander VI grants Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain control of the lands Columbus explored.
         1521      Conquistador Hernán Cortés besieges the Aztec capital as Martin Luther speaks at the Diet of Worms.
         1523–33      Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian missionaries arrive in Mexico baptizing as many as ten million Indians in the first two decades of Spanish rule.
         1531      A Christian Indian in Mexico, Juan Diego, according to several reports, receives a visitation from the Virgin Mary at Guadalupe.
         1537      Pope Paul III issues the bull Sublimis Deus, which, against colonial practice, defines the Indians as fully human and fully capable of becoming Christians.
         1607      English Anglicans settle in Jamestown, Virginia.
         1608      The French explorer Samuel de Champlain establishes the city of Quebec.
         1619      The first Africans arrive in Virginia as indentured servants.
         1620, 1630      Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay Colony, respectively, are settled by two different groups of Puritans (in 1691 they unite as the Commonwealth of Massachusetts).
         1630–49      Father Jean de Brébeuf and fellow Jesuits contextualize the Christian message for the Huron Indians in what is now Ontario, Canada, before being martyred.
         1634      George and Cecil Calvert establish the colony of Maryland as a refuge for English Roman Catholics.
         1636      Roger Williams is banished from Massachusetts and soon founds the colony of Rhode Island with an unusual extension of religious freedom.
         1636      The first college in the English colonies, Harvard, is formed by Massachusetts Puritans to train ministers and magistrates.
         1638      Anne Hutchinson is banished from Massachusetts for her views on the freedom of God’s grace.
         1663      Quebec Catholics found Laval, the first university in Canada.
         1673      The French Jesuit, Jacques Marquette, joins Louis Jolliet’s exploration of the Mississippi River Valley for the purpose of preaching the gospel to Native Americans.
         1681      Pennsylvania is established by William Penn as a Quaker colony, but open for settlement to all Christians.
         1684      Francis Makemie, a Scots-Irish immigrant, establishes the first American Presbytery.
         1692      Twenty Massachusetts residents are executed for witchcraft at Salem.
         1707      The Philadelphia Association of Regular Baptists becomes the first Baptist organization in the New World.
         1735–45      The colonial Great Awakening features George Whitefield (itinerant) and Jonathan Edwards (theologian) as central figures.
         1740      George Whitefield, although a slaveowner himself, goes out of his way to preach to African Americans during his second visit to the colonies.
         1763      Britain gains control of Quebec in the Treaty of Paris.
         1769      The first Methodist preachers, commissioned by John Wesley, arrive in New York and Pennsylvania.
         1771      Francis Asbury migrates to America and soon becomes the key figure in the establishment of an American Methodist church (1784).
         1773      The first independent black church forms in Silver Bluff, South Carolina; many follow soon thereafter.
         1774      The Quebec Act secures civil rights for Canadian Catholics that their co-religionists in Britain do not gain until 1829.
         1776      On July 4, the thirteen American colonies declare their independence from Britain.
         1784      John Carroll, the first American Catholic bishop, devotes several pages of a published work to rebutting the charge that Catholics stifle free inquiry.
         1786      The Virginia legislature enacts Thomas Jefferson’s Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom.
         1789      The First Amendment, which guarantees the free exercise of religion to all citizens and prohibits the establishment of any national religion, is added to the United States Constitution.
         1790      A great mobilization of Protestants begins featuring the Methodists and Baptists but involving many other Protestant churches in what is sometimes called “the Second Great Awakening.”
         1795      Russian Orthodox monks settle in Alaska and establish the first lasting Orthodox presence in North America.
         1809      Elizabeth Ann Seton, an Episcopalian-born convert to Roman Catholicism, founds the Sisters of Charity, one of the first religious orders in the United States (in 1975 “Mother” Seton becomes the first North American-born person declared a saint by the Roman Catholic Church).
         1814      Richard Allen forms the first African American denomination, the African Methodist Episcopal Church.
         1816      The American Bible Society is founded, emblematic of a great wave of new, mostly religious voluntary societies in the United States.
         1821      Charles Finney converts to Christianity and begins work as a revivalist preacher.
         1821      Mexico gains its independence from Spain.
         1820s      Joseph Smith begins to see visions that culminate in the publication of The Book of Mormon in 1830.
         1827      Harriet Livermore, a revival preacher, becomes the first American woman to preach before the United States Congress.
         1827      Jarena Lee, a black female associate of Richard Allen, travels over two thousand miles and preaches on 180 different occasions.
         1831      Followers of Alexander Campbell and Barton W. Stone join ranks to form the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), from which later also come the Churches of Christ and the Christian Church.
         1831–32      Alexis de Tocqueville visits North America from France and then publishes Democracy in America (1835, 1840), a work stressing the free nature of American religion as a key to its success.
         1833      The Congregationalist Church of Massachusetts is disestablished; it is the last American denomination to retain vestiges of state support.
         1834      A Boston mob burns an Ursuline convent, illustrating the strong anti-Catholicism of many American Protestants.
         1835      Phoebe Palmer, a Methodist writer and speaker, begins an influential home meeting in New York City where she teaches “holiness,” or entire consecration to God.
         1836      Angelina Grimké publishes a widely-read abolitionist tract (her sister Sara does the same in 1838).
         1837      Northern and Southern Presbyterians split over issues of church order and theology (and secondarily of whether to tolerate slavery).
         1842      Immigration to the United States tops 100,000 for the first time, with almost half of the immigrants from Ireland and their presence increasing the Roman Catholic numbers in America.
         1843      Thousands of followers of William Miller wait for the return of Christ on March 21 and then on October 22, 1844 as Miller prophesied (several denominations spring from the “Disappointment” when nothing happens, the most important being the Seventh-day Adventists of Ellen White).
         1844      The two largest and most widespread American denominations, the Baptists and Methodists, both divide North and South over the question of slavery.
         1845      Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave and himself a Christian, attacks the use of Christianity to protect slavery.
         1850s      Religious arguments sharpen North-South tensions and so help prepare for the violence of the Civil War.
         1852      Harriet Beecher Stowe publishes Uncle Tom’s Cabin, a novel with many religious themes supporting its denunciation of slavery.
         1854      The American (or Know Nothing) party organizes with the intent of keeping Roman Catholics and immigrants from gaining political office.
         1855      An anonymous Definite Synodical Platform circulates among Lutherans and calls for a revision of the Augsburg Confession along lines dictated by American revivalism; rejection of this proposal indicates the growing influence of confessional Lutheranism.
         1861–65      During the American Civil War there are widespread revivals among soldiers in the camps, but changes stimulated by the war undercut the influence of the country’s historic Protestant churches.
         1865      The United States Congress passes legislation to place the phrase “In God We Trust” on certain gold and silver coins.
         1865      African American churches in the South break from white control, resulting in several new denominations.
         1867      The Dominion of Canada is formed.
         1868      The Fourteenth Amendment passes with the intent of guaranteeing civil rights to freed slaves.
         1874      Frances Willard and associates found the Women’s Christian Temperance Union.
         1875      Dwight L. Moody returns from a successful revival tour in Britain and embarks upon a noteworthy career as an urban evangelist in the United States and Canada.
         1880      Amanda Berry Smith, an African American, visits India; later she carries out preaching and social work in Liberia and then her native Chicago.
         1880      The Salvation Army opens its work in the United States (two years later in Canada) and soon is sponsoring the most effective Protestant outreach to the continent’s burgeoning cities.
         1881      Immigration to the United States tops 500,000 for the first time, with Germany providing the most immigrants and the presence of Germans increasing the number of Lutherans (along with high immigrant totals from Scandinavia), Catholics, Jews, and “free thinkers” in the country.
         1884      The construction and maintenance of parochial schools is the prime matter for discussion by the third plenary council of American Catholic archbishops and bishops.
         1885      Josiah Strong, later secretary of the Evangelical Alliance, publishes Our Country, a work warning against the religious effects of immigrants, Roman Catholicism, and city life.
         1886      Augustus Tolton becomes the first American of pure African descent to be ordained a Roman Catholic priest.
         1886      Catholic parents in Edgerton, Wisconsin petition their local school board to stop readings from the King James Version of the Bible.
         1895      Pope Leo XIII issues the encyclical Longinqua Oceani, followed by Testem Benevolentiae in 1899, addressed specifically to curb “Americanism,” or excessive accommodation to democratic liberalism.
         1905      Immigration to the United States tops one million for the first time, with countries of Southern and Eastern Europe accounting for most of the immigrants and their presence increasing the number of Catholics, Jews, Orthodox, and nonbelievers in the country.
         1906      Black and white worshipers at a chapel on Azusa Street in Los Angeles speak in tongues and inaugurate the worldwide Pentecostal movement.
         1906      A federal census reveals astounding growth in the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, reaching 12 million adherents (14 percent of the U.S. population) and over 15,000 clergy.
         1907      Tikhon Bellavin, the Russian Orthodox bishop in North America, convenes the first All-American Council of Orthodox Churches.
         1908      The Federal Council of Churches is formed to promote cooperative action by the older, mainline Protestant denominations.
         1909      Oxford University Press publishes the Scofield Bible, the most influential publication promoting the theology of dispensational premillennialism.
         1910–15      The Fundamentals: A Testimony to Truth are published as a way of defending traditional Christian doctrines against the new proposals of theological modernists.
         1912      The publication of Walter Rauschenbusch’s Christianizing the Social Order is the fullest statement of the Social Gospel, a movement of moderate and liberal Protestants aimed at alleviating the inhumane conditions of recently industrialized cities.
         1914      World War I and legislation in Congress from the 1920s dramatically reduce the number of immigrants arriving in the United States.
         1917      Mexico enacts a new constitution with many rules against religion, particularly Catholicism. When it is enforced nine years later, it sparks violence and civil war that finally results in the restoration of church privileges.
         1917      The National Catholic War Council is established during World War I to oversee chaplains in the military; later it evolves into the National Catholic Welfare Council and other national Catholic organizations.
         1919      Pressure from many religious groups, mostly Protestant, leads to the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits the sale or use of alcoholic beverages (the amendment is repealed in 1933).
         1923      Pentecostal evangelist Aimee Semple McPherson employs the radio as one of the first in a great flood of American religious figures who exploit the same medium.
         1925      At the trial of John Scopes in Dayton, Tennessee, William Jennings Bryan defends the rights of states to ban the teaching of evolution, while Clarence Darrow attacks such laws as bigoted.
         1927      Dorothy Day is converted to Roman Catholicism and soon thereafter founds, with Peter Maurin, the Catholic Worker Movement.
         1928      Al Smith, the Democratic governor of New York, is the first Roman Catholic nominated by a major party for president (he is defeated by the Republican Herbert Hoover, at least in part because of fear of his Catholicism).
         1930s      During the Great Depression, mainline Protestant churches lose ground, but fundamentalist, holiness, Pentecostal, and African American continue to grow.
         1932      The publication of Reinhold Niebuhr’s Moral Man and Immoral Society establishes his reputation as the most influential public theologian of the period.
         1933      Jacques Maritain, the French neo-Thomist, lectures for the first time in North America (Toronto) and in so doing supports Catholic engagement with Thomism in many spheres of life.
         1940, 1947      Decisions of the United States Supreme Court apply to the states the Constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion that have hitherto been considered a check only on the national government.
         1943      The establishment of the National Association of Evangelicals marks the desire of some Northern fundamentalists to move beyond the narrow confines of that movement.
         1945      In the economic boom that follows World War II, there is also a boom in new church construction for both Protestants and Catholics.
         1949      Billy Graham holds a successful evangelistic campaign in Los Angeles and soon emerges as the most visible American Protestant in the United States and abroad.
         1950      The National Council of Churches is formed as a successor to the Federal Council; soon it broadens its membership to include Orthodox churches and invites Roman Catholics as observers.
         1952      A copy of the new Revised Standard Version, the first translation of the Bible besides the King James Version to gain a large American following among Protestants, is presented to President Harry Truman.
         1954      The Supreme Court ends the racial segregation of American schools, sparking the large-scale Civil Rights movement of the next two decades.
         1950s      Mainline Protestant denominations, following the earlier example of several Holiness, Wesleyan, and Pentecostal denominations, begin to ordain women to the ministry.
         1960      A Standing Conference of Canonical Bishops is founded to improve dialogue among the Orthodox churches, which by this time include Byelorussian, Albanian, Romanian, Serbian, Egyptian, Bulgarian, and Syrian as well as Russian, Ukrainian, and Greek congregations.
         1960      John F. Kennedy becomes the first Roman Catholic elected as president of the United States.
         1962–63      The U.S. Supreme Court prohibits prayers and Bible readings as mandated activities in public schools.
         1962–65      The Second Vatican Council leads to much greater Catholic/non-Catholic dialogue in all areas of North American life.
         1963      Martin Luther King, Jr. delivers the climactic closing address at a massive March on Washington to promote civil rights.
         1963      John F. Kennedy’s assassination, followed by the assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. (both 1968), adds to the feeling of crisis in a tumultuous decade.
         1973      The United States Supreme Court legalizes most forms of abortion, thus laying the groundwork for the rise of the New Christian Right.
         1974      An International Congress on World Evangelization is held in Lausanne, Switzerland, connecting American evangelicals with many delegates from around the world.
         1975      Willow Creek Community Church is formed outside Chicago and serves as a model for “megachurches.”
         1976      Jimmy Carter becomes president while not hiding his Christian convictions and attempts to put those convictions into practice throughout his time in office (1977–81).
         1979      Jerry Falwell, a Baptist minister, founds the Moral Majority, the forerunner of the Christian Coalition and a general rallying point for the New Christian Right.
         1980s      Pentecostal Hispanic churches are recognized as being among the fastest growing in North America.
         1984      The United States establishes full diplomatic relations with the Vatican.
         1987–99      The American Catholic church deals with pressure for clerical marriage and the ordination of women amidst the decline in religious vocations.
         1992–94      A renewed wave of conservative political activism leads to the formation of the Christian Coalition and other right-wing religious political organizations.
         1995      Donald Argue (a minister of the Assemblies of God) becomes head of the National Association of Evangelicals, demonstrating the entry of Pentecostals into the mainstream of American Protestant life.
         1996      A series of arson attacks strike Southern black churches (seventy-five fires in eighteen months).
         1997      Promise Keepers, an evangelical men’s organization, holds the largest reported religious gathering in U.S. history to promote fidelity and renewed religious commitment for husbands and fathers.
         1997–99      Almost-daily revival services continue at a congregation of the Vineyard Movement outside Toronto and at the Brownsville Assemblies of God Church in Pensacola, Florida.
         1997–2000      Mainline Protestant churches continue to debate whether to ordain practicing homosexuals and whether to bless same-sex unions.
         2000      Federal elections in the United States, Mexico, and Canada feature heightened attention to religious questions; in the United States, Joseph Lieberman, an orthodox Jew, is nominated as the Democrats’ vice-presidential candidate and speaks freely about the importance of religion for American public life.


Noll, M. A. (2002). The Old Religion in a New World: The History of North American Christianity (S. 292–299). Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.